Thursday, October 8, 2015

THE PRESIDENT FROM HACKSVILLE

MONDAY, OCTOBER 5TH, 2015
By Edwin Cooney

Today, October 5th, 2015, marks the 186th anniversary of the birth of the most successful pure politician in American history.  No president before or since Chester Alan Arthur has owed his accession to the presidency solely to politics.  Every other occupant of 1600 Pennsylvania Avenue’s executive mansion, before and since Chet Arthur, has used his political career before the presidency to some social benefit.  Not Chet Arthur.  Hence, due to his reputation as a “political hack,” he was in big trouble even before assuming that most troublesome of public offices — the presidency of the United States of America.

Arthur was born on Monday, October 5th, 1829 (late in life he insisted that he was born in 1830) in Fairfield, Vermont, the son of an Irish-born immigrant father William Arthur and Malvina (Stone) Arthur.  Chet Arthur was handsome, charming, affable, a marvelous raconteur and an excellent administrator.  Arthur entered New York society in the 1850s having graduated from Union College in Schenectady, New York in 1848.  He received his law degree in 1854 and became the junior partner of Culver, Parker and Arthur in New York City.  The son of an adamantly abolitionist preacher father, Arthur represented a black woman named Lizzie Jennings when she brought suit against a whites-only Brooklyn streetcar company which had forcibly ejected her from one of its vehicles.  Arthur won an award of $500 for Ms. Jennings, and, even more significant, that suit led to the end of all discrimination against blacks on New York public transit systems.  For the most part however, Chet Arthur was anxious to fit into high society.  To that end, he joined the right clubs, married a southern belle, Ellen Lewis Herndon, who was a well-known singer and a member of New York’s Glee Club, and above all joined the growing New York Republican Party.  Miss Herndon’s father, a ship captain, gained for himself and his surviving family considerable national fame in 1857 when he deliberately went down with his ship after saving all the passengers and crew during a severe storm off Cape Hatteras, North Carolina.

The Civil War brought young Chet Arthur notoriety for his considerable administrative skills as well as for his personal integrity.  As assistant engineer, chief engineer, assistant Quartermaster General and eventually chief Quartermaster General, Chet Arthur kept the New York State Militia adequately supplied with munitions, other equipment and transportation facilities between 1861 and 1863.  New York Governor Edwin D. Morgan asserted that he depended on young Chet Arthur for all the reliable facilities for equipping the New York State Militia during the war.  Even more interesting, Morgan observed that Arthur had the rare ability to say “no” without giving offense — a most invaluable political tool.  They remained cordial lifelong friends.

Following the war, Arthur became increasingly and effectively involved in Republican Party politics at both the city and state levels.  A supporter of the conservative or “Stalwart” wing of the GOP, Arthur backed the candidacies of Congressman Roscoe Conkling for the U.S. Senate and of course General Ulysses S. Grant’s 1868 bid for President.  He had supported Lincoln in both 1860 and 1864 and was behind the move to make Andrew Johnson Vice President in 1864.  (What his stand was in 1868 when Johnson was being impeached by radical Republicans is not recorded even by Thomas Reeves, his authoritative biographer.  Political bosses, Arthur included, weren’t philosophers or social do-gooders.  They worked solely for the party’s success.)  When in 1871 Chet Arthur accepted the collectorship of the Port of New York, he well understood that he’d be judged not only by the revenue from import dues, the primary responsibility of the customs house, but for another very vital task.  It was his job to see to it that his employees adequately financed the endeavors of the GOP machine that had secured their employment.

The close election of Ohio Governor Rutherford Burchard Hayes, a powerfully built, thickly red-bearded teetotaler, ended the era of southern reconstruction.  The fate of American blacks had been surrendered to Jim Crow.  Still President Hayes, a man of deeply held Methodist principles, needed a moral cause.  Hence, he chose civil service reform.  To that end, he established a commission to investigate possible corruption in America’s customs houses — especially the Port of New York.  The commission called Arthur as its main witness.  Try as he did during his testimony, Arthur was unable to convince the commission to abandon a recommendation to end the practice of requiring employees to give back portions of their annual salaries to finance the party which had provided their employment in the first place.  The commission found no corruption on Arthur’s part, but it recommended a thorough housecleaning of the agency.  Next came the political crisis.

An ongoing dispute between the executive and legislative branches of the government was political patronage.  Presidents were, and still are, expected to pay attention to senators and representatives in a state wherein federal appointees function.  By dismissing Chet Arthur, the President was picking a territorial quarrel with Senator Roscoe Conkling who would surely oppose anyone nominated to succeed Arthur.  When the president nominated Theodore Roosevelt, Sr. to succeed Arthur, the nomination was defeated in the Senate by a vote of 31-25.  (Sadly, Theodore Roosevelt soon thereafter died of intestinal cancer while his namesake son was a student at Harvard.)  President Hayes offered to make Chet Arthur counsel to the American legation at Paris.  When Arthur refused the appointment, undoubtedly as ordered by Senator Conkling, the President moved.  On Thursday, July 11th, 1878, President Hayes used his authority to finally dismiss Arthur; there was nothing either Conkling or Arthur could do.

Between July of 1878 and June of 1880, Chet Arthur practiced law, although according to biographer Reeves, he really wasn’t much of a lawyer.  His new firm was Arthur, Phelps, Knevels and Ransom.

As Republicans met in Chicago to nominate a presidential candidate for 1880, the party was divided into conservative Stalwarts and liberal Half Breeds.  The Half Breeds split their support between Ohio Senator John Sherman and Maine Senator James G. Blaine while the Stalwarts were strongly supporting Ulysses S. Grant for a third term.  After 35 ballots, General Grant had 306 votes, about 78 votes shy of the nomination.  On the 36th ballot, Garfield was nominated with 399 votes, 42 for Blaine, 5 for Elihu Washington of Illinois and 2 for Senator John Sherman.

Needing Stalwart support to win the election, Garfield offered Levi P. Morton the vice presidential nomination, but was turned down.  Then he decided to ask Chet Arthur.  Arthur would be advised by an angry Roscoe Conkling to turn down the offer “…as you would drop a hot horseshoe from the forge.”  Arthur reportedly responded: “The vice presidency is a higher honor than I’ve ever dreamed of attaining.  I therefore will accept the nomination and I shall carry the New York delegation with me.”

The presidential campaign was close between James A. Garfield and General Winfield Scott Hancock of Pennsylvania and William English of Indiana.  The turning point of the campaign was a meeting on Friday, August 5th in New York between Garfield, Arthur and other members of the New York Stalwart machine, the purpose of which was to agree how both sides would settle questions of patronage once Garfield was elected.  Conkling did not attend the meeting, but everyone came away sufficiently satisfied to work for the ticket.

November 2nd 1880 was Election Day.  Garfield and Arthur received 4,454,416 votes.  That was 48.6% of the popular vote.  Hancock and English received 4,444,592 votes, 48.2% of the votes.  In the Electoral College, Garfield and Arthur received 214 votes to Hancock and English’s 155.

The Garfield Arthur team was elected.  What neither fully understood was that the political fat was in the fire.

(TO BE CONTINUED.)

RESPECTFULLY SUBMITTED,
EDWIN COONEY

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